US Interest in Greenland: A 200-Year History Beyond Trump's Ambitions
US Interest in Greenland: 200 Years Before Trump

US Interest in Greenland: A 200-Year History Beyond Trump's Ambitions

Donald Trump's recent push to acquire Greenland has created waves across Scandinavia and Europe. The former president first suggested this idea in 2019. His renewed interest now carries more weight because of his demonstrated willingness to act on his words, from bombing Iran to attacking Venezuela.

While Trump's approach might seem unusually bold in today's international landscape, the truth is that Greenland has occupied Washington's strategic imagination for much longer. Arctic scholars like Marc Jacobsen and Sara Olsvig have documented this enduring fascination.

Early American Interest Emerges

The first documented expression of official US interest in Greenland appeared nearly two centuries ago. This happened shortly after the dissolution of the 434-year political union between Norway and Denmark. Under the 1814 Treaty of Kiel, Greenland came under Danish control.

In 1832, President Andrew Jackson floated the idea of purchasing Greenland. This occurred during an era when US territorial acquisitions were common, exemplified by the famous Louisiana Purchase. Jackson's interest emerged after the articulation of the Monroe Doctrine, whose principles Trump later crudely renamed as the "Donroe Doctrine."

Nineteenth Century Expansion Plans

In 1867, Secretary of State William Seward recommended purchasing Greenland alongside Alaska, which he had just negotiated with Russia. Academic consensus suggests Seward aimed to flank Canada and pressure it into joining the United States. However, any such move would have faced strong British resistance.

As World War I approached, the United States again sought to purchase Greenland and the Danish West Indies. Washington wanted control over shipping lanes and aimed to prevent German military bases in the region. Just days before declaring war on Germany, the US acquired the Danish West Indies on March 31, 1917. Yet Washington stopped short of recognizing Danish sovereignty over Greenland itself.

World War II and Cold War Significance

When World War II erupted, the White House debated acquiring Greenland once more. After Nazi Germany occupied Denmark in April 1940, the US quickly established a consulate in Nuuk, Greenland's capital. A 1941 agreement granted the US broad authority to establish military bases on the island to prevent a Nazi takeover.

Following Hitler's defeat, President Harry Truman made a formal offer to buy Greenland in 1946. Denmark rejected this proposal again. By then, the Nazi threat had been replaced by a new concern: the Soviet Union.

The Cold War organized around NATO and the Warsaw Pact made Greenland essential to American security strategy. Denmark, a founding NATO member, found itself and Greenland bound to US interests. The 1951 defense agreement between the two countries paved the way for Thule Air Base, now known as Pituffik Space Base. Greenlanders themselves were not consulted in these arrangements.

Throughout the Cold War, the United States used Greenland as a bulwark against Soviet advances. It formed part of NATO's northern shield. As the nuclear arms race intensified, American nuclear weapons were stored at the base despite Denmark's 1957 nuclear weapons-free zone policy.

Modern Strategic Importance

With the Soviet Union's disintegration and America's "unipolar moment," Greenland's importance shifted from countering Russia to supporting long-term Arctic strategy around shipping routes and climate change.

However, China's rise as a self-proclaimed "near-Arctic state" and the deepening China-Russia partnership have renewed American military interest. Former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo first articulated this publicly in 2019 at an Arctic Council ministerial meeting. He warned that the Council could no longer focus solely on environment and science because China and Russia were acting against US interests.

In Trump's potential second term, this interest has moved beyond rhetoric. Threats are being issued, meetings convened, and troops deployed. While Russia and China certainly show interest in the Arctic, resisting their influence does not justify overriding a democratic country's sovereign rights and self-determination. These are values the United States has championed since World War II.

A more constructive approach might involve military collaboration to safeguard the region jointly for the United States, Greenland, Denmark, and Europe. Such an alliance might already exist under a familiar four-letter acronym.